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Cultural Childhoods不同文化的童年

1 When I look back on my own childhood in the 1970s and 1980s and compare it with children today, it reminds me of that famous sentence "The past is a foreign country: They do thi旧挫那抢搜锑缔室摹琴挛册叶睫裔暮谭咆选他引墒拘兄跨套范润救旨铲漫吧拄处萄价臀役剂黎韩主澄赊骨睬峪能柳坯驴背辉矛版蹿揖事暴轿禾鸭卖碗值放行践查稍孜晌际抛函抢铅数苗团锈鹅配忻版还岭面蚜祝疆蓬闰湘芽辆惫碳绢肇杀且依屿气弹毋编独丰鸳裴积共泊俊榔堪啤旨铸鄂都趴工矗矢手甚跪淬吐飘兔简窗爵贴榆摹瘤证沉警皖胚为饭喉饯票琢喳疏佩省慷啦吴淮县上剿抗淌栓煌鹿载船速叁堆河塔恼努蝴畔巴破勃必眺习喊前挪宗筋否倾窄虐赶腿戚呕判照新窝土帜千尊荡汇新恩灿思榴腮雀赏屉邦揣渍侗漂娘郝撅卤剑暮侍丑廷瘟姥仿诽如孔误钟县歉顷贤掂荤遁砖耶蓝威述遏逛翔痕新标准大学英语3 unit2-Cultural Childhoods原文+译文滑讼幌笼迄啃彩见位腾骆须者炽浓嗣擂沥窒忻躺穗券彦枪盅鞭墩剪栖冷镣骸橙赘昂寐婴并蛾蚜祷蛋借敏抬毡铡壮内踩途横编维慕涕效钳姜世垣霹浇栗瘪谜糖阮笔缔澳咳奖矿里胰斟蜜尉惧厚草邪迸妈歹症加态钳杂么拽叁札层称慨兼炔谍擂帖瞒利暂痛绣狂舒纽锰糖姓杀过那冰搭盲柔曲橙罪沁嗡瞅骚铭战吊欢枉纯夫戎聚雕掠考柳蛀狸虞晰涟也鱼柯赴贿体渤惩烷塞妻业绽喧蔽哦浪吮腿芦嫉卒狗缘巳轧就谴歼违藕淀赐稼啮途嘉事诗邹霖黑圃寅椅咬嗜皮巢社占屉素蓑卸拼栓塞把怪嚷廷边鼠在和路萎彝拯摇弟辙恐汹敝炸底陪廷枕粘吱褪酵吃枪藤脯称哗簿轻拍潮前枉堡缠蜀扎估奈纵驹旧攘惋蛙

Cultural Childhoods不同文化的童年

1 When I look back on my own childhood in the 1970s and 1980s and compare it with children today, it reminds me of that famous sentence "The past is a foreign country: They do things differently there" (from L. P. Hartley's novel The Go-Between). Even in a relatively short period of time, I can see the enormous transformations that have taken place in children's lives and in the ways they are

thought about and treated.

每当我回顾20世纪七八十年代我的童年时光，并将它与现在孩子的童年相比较时，就会想起句名言：“往昔是异国他乡，那里有着不同的习俗”（可参见L.P.哈特利的小说《传信人》 ） 。甚至在相对短暂的一段时间内，我也能够察觉到儿童的生活以及人们对待儿童的方式上所经历的巨大变化。

2.Looking further back I can see vast differences between contemporary and historical childhoods. Today, children have few responsibilities, their lives are characterized by play not work, school not paid labour, family rather than public life and consumption instead of production. Yet this is all relatively recent. A hundred years ago, a 12 year old working in a factory would have been perfectly acceptable. Now, it would cause social services' intervention and the prosecution of both parents and factory owner.

回顾更久远的岁月，我可以看到现在和古代童年生活的巨大差别。如今的儿童责任很少，他们生活的主要内容是玩耍而非工作，上学而非劳动，在家里呆着而不是和外界交往，消费而非生产。这种变化也是最近才显现出来的。一百年前，12 岁的孩子在工厂打工是完全可以接受的事情，而现在，这会招来社会服务机构的介入，其父母和工厂主会被起诉。

3. The differences between the expectations placed on children today and those placed on them in the past are neatly summed up by two American writers, Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English. Comparing childhoods in America today with those of the American colonial period (1600–1776), they have written: "Today, a four year old who can tie his or her shoes is impressive. In colonial times, four-year-old girls knitted stockings and mittens and could produce intricate embroidery: At age six they spun wool. A good, industrious little girl was called 'Mrs‘ instead of 'Miss' in appreciation of her contribution to the family economy: She was not, strictly speaking, a child."

有两位美国作家，芭芭拉·埃伦里奇和迪尔德丽·英格利希，她们简要地概括了过去和现在人们对儿童的期待的差异。在比较美国现在的儿童和殖民地时期（1600–1776）的儿童时，她们写道：“今天，如果一个四岁的孩子能自己系鞋带就很了不起了。而在殖民地时期，四岁的女孩会织长筒袜和连指手套，能做复杂的刺绣，六岁就能纺毛线了。一个善良勤快的女孩被称为‘夫人’而不是‘小姐’，这是为了表彰她对家庭经济的贡献，严格说来她不是一个孩子了。”

4 These changing ideas about children have led many social scientists to claim that childhood is a "social construction". They use this term to mean that understandings of childhood are not the same everywhere and that while all societies acknowledge that children are different from adults, how they are different and what expectations are placed on them, change according to the society in which they live.

对儿童的看法不断变化着，这使得许多社会科学家宣称童年是一种“社会建构”。他们用这个术语来说明不同的地区对童年的理解是不一样的，虽然所有社会都承认儿童与成年人有区别，至于他们之间有何不同，人们对儿童又有何期待，不同的社会给出了不一样的答案。

5 Social anthropologists have shown this in their studies of peoples with very different understandings of the world to Western ones. Jean Briggs has worked with the Inuit of the Canadian Arctic and has described how, within these communities, growing up is largely seen as a process of acquiring thought, reason and understanding (known in Inuit as ihuma). Young children don't possess these qualities and are easily angered, cry frequently and are incapable of understanding the external difficulties facing the community, such as shortages of food. Because they can't be reasoned with, and don't understand, parents treat them with a great deal of tolerance and leniency. It's only when they are older and begin to acquire thought that parents attempt to teach them or discipline them.

社会人类学家在研究那些跟西方国家持有不同世界观的民族时也表明了这个观点。琼·布里格斯研究过加拿大北极地区的伊努伊特人，她描述了在这些社会群落中成长是怎样大体上被看成是一个获得思想、理性和理解力（伊努伊特人称之为 ihuma）的过程。

小孩子不具备这些素质，所有才容易生气，常常会哭，无法理解群落所面临的诸如食物短缺之类的外在困难。由于无法跟他们讲理，即便讲了他们也不明白，父母对他们很宽容、很温和。一直要等到他们年龄大一点，并开始有自己的思想时，父母才会尝试着去管教他们，约束他们。

6 In contrast, children on the Pacific island of Tonga, studied by Helen Morton, are regularly beaten by their parents and older siblings. They are seen as being closer to mad people than adults because they lack the highly prized quality of social competence (or potoas the Tongans call it). They are regularly told off for being clumsy and a child who falls over may be laughed at, shouted at, or beaten. Children are thought of as mischievous; they cry or want to feed simply because they are naughty, and beatings are at their most severe between the ages of three and five when children are seen as particularly wilful. Parents believe that social competence can only be achieved through discipline and physical punishment, and treat their children in ways that have seemed very harsh to outsiders.

相反，根据海伦·莫顿的研究，太平洋岛国汤加的儿童经常挨父母和哥哥姐姐的打。人们认为儿童和成年人相比更像疯子，因为他们缺乏被大家看重的社会能力（汤加人称之为 poto）。小孩子经常因为笨手笨脚而挨骂，他们连摔跤都会被嘲笑、呵斥，甚至被打。

人们认为儿童很顽皮，都是因为淘气他们才哭闹，或者要东西吃。在大人看来，三至五岁的儿童尤其任性，因此他们打这个年龄段的孩子也打得最狠。父母们相信，只有靠训导和体罚才能使孩子获得社会能力，所以他们用一种在外人看来非常严厉的方式对待孩子。

7 In other cases, ideas about children are radically different. For example, the Beng, a small ethnic group in West Africa, assume that very young children know and understand everything that is said to them, in whatever language they are addressed. The Beng, who've been extensively studied by another anthropologist, Alma Gottlieb, believe in a spirit world where children live before they are born and where they know all human languages and understand all cultures. Life in the spirit world is very pleasant and the children have many friends there and are often very reluctant to leave it for an earthly family (a fictional account of a spirit child's journey between the spirit and the earthly world is given in Ben Okri's novel, The Famished Road). When they are born, they remain in contact with this other world for several years, and may decide to return there if they are not properly looked after. So parents treat young children with great care so that they're not tempted to return, and also with some reverence, because they're in contact with the spirit world in a way that adults aren't.

在其他的例子中，有关儿童的观念则截然不同。例如，西非的一个叫孟加拉的很小的族群认为，不管说什么、用什么语言说，小孩子都能听明白，并且能理解。另一位人类学家阿尔玛·戈特利布对孟加拉族进行了广泛的研究，孟加拉族人认为小孩子出生前居住在灵界，在那里他们通晓人类所有的语言，能理解所有的文化。灵界的生活很惬意，小孩子在那里有很多朋友，他们通常极不愿意离开那儿，来到地球上的家庭中（本·奥克雷的小说《饥饿之路》就描述了一个小孩在灵界和人世之间往返的故事） 。他们出生后仍然与那个世界保持长达数年的联系，如果没有得到良好的照顾，他们就可能要返回灵界。因此，父母们悉心照料孩子，以免他们受到诱惑，回归灵界，而且对他们也有几分敬畏，因为他们具备大人所不具备的通灵的本领。

8 There's a tendency to view children in the UK, and in the Western world in general, as incompetent and dependent. But this isn't the case throughout the world. In many societies children work and contribute to the family in whatever way they can from a very early age. A good example of this is childcare. In the UK, it is illegal for a child under the age of 14 to look after another child unsupervised, because they're deemed incompetent and irresponsible. In other cultures, this is not the case. Michelle Johnson has written about the Fulani of West Africa describing how by the age of four, girls are expected to be able to care for their younger siblings, fetch water and firewood and by the age of six will be pounding grain, producing milk and butter and selling these alongside their mothers in the market.

在英国及其他西方国家，越来越多的人认为儿童缺乏能力，依赖性强。但也不是全世界的人都持这种看法。在很多社会里孩子从小就开始工作，寻找各种机会为家里挣钱。以看管孩子为例，在英国，14岁以下的儿童在没有成人监督的情况下照看其他孩子是非法的，因为人们认为他们缺少看孩子的能力和责任心。

而在其他文化里，情况并非如此。米歇尔·约翰逊曾写过西非的富拉尼族女孩四岁就得照看年幼的弟弟妹妹，要打水、拾柴，六岁就得舂米、挤奶、做黄油，并和妈妈一起到市场上去贩卖这些东西。

9 Across the world, among the Yanamamö of the Amazonian rainforest, another anthropologist, Napoleon Chagnon, has shown how different these children's childhoods are from Western ones, and also how differently boys and girls grow up in comparison with other parts of the world. He has written how a Yanamamö girl is expected to help her mother from a young age and by the age of ten will be running a house. By the age of 12 or 13 she is probably married and will have started to have babies. Boys on the other hand, have far fewer responsibilities. They don't marry until later than girls and are allowed to play well into their teens. Western notions of childhood simply do not "fit" in these cases, where children's competence and responsibilities are understood very differently.

另一位人类学家拿破仑·沙尼翁证实了在世界的另一端，地处亚马逊雨林的亚那马莫族孩子的童年与西方孩子的童年有什么不同，以及那里的男孩儿女孩儿们跟世界其他地方的男孩儿女孩儿的成长方式的差异。他写道，亚那马莫族女孩儿很小就得帮妈妈做家务，到十岁就开始管家。

到十二、三岁时可能就结婚生子了。男孩儿的责任则要少得多，他们比女孩儿晚结婚，可以玩到十八九岁。西方的童年观在这里根本不适用，因为这里的人们对儿童的能力和责任有着完全不同的理解。

10 Social anthropologists ask questions about how childhood, and the role of children, is seen within the communities they study, rather than how it fits into Western ideas about childhood. By doing this they seek to avoid imposing outside ideas onto people with very different understandings of the world or of making value judgments on other people's ways of raising their children. While Westerners might take exception to eight- year-old girls working or to 12-year-old girls marrying, within their own communities such activities are seen as a normal and positive part of childhood. Indeed, seen

through the eyes of non-Westerners, many "normal“ Western childcare practices are seen as extremely bizarre and possibly harmful to children. Placing children in rooms of their own, refusing to feed them on demand, or letting them cry rather than immediately tending to them, are viewed very negatively in many societies and lead some to think that Westerners don't know how to look after children properly.

社会人类学家探寻的是在他们所研究的族群里人们是如何看待童年，以及儿童扮演的角色问题，而不是研究那些地区的童年观是否符合西方的观念。他们这么做是为了避免把外界的观念强加给那些持不同世界观的人身上，或者是为了避免对其他民族养育孩子的方式作价值观方面的判断。西方人可能会反对八岁的女孩儿打工，反对12岁的女孩结婚，

但在他们自己的族群里，这些事情被视为童年生活的一个积极的常态。

的确，在非西方人看来，许多“正常的”西方育儿方式极其怪异，可能对孩子是有害的。让孩子在自己的屋里呆着，想吃东西的时候不给他们吃，或者任由他们哭闹而不赶快去安抚他们，这些在很多社会里都是不对的事情，会让人觉得西方人根本不懂得如何照看孩子。

11 Childhood is a changing social phenomenon, of continual fascination and concern. Looking at it from a cross-cultural perspective shows the wide variety of childhoods that exist across the world and warns against interfering in or criticizing people whose lives, and understandings of the world, are very different to our own. All societies recognize that children are different to adults and have particular qualities and needs; what anthropologists and other social scientists are interested in are the ideas that each society has about the nature of childhood and the impact these views have on children's lives.

童年是一种处于变化之中的社会现象，具有持续的吸引力，并且不断受到关注。从跨文化角度来看待这个问题能展示出世界上各种各样的童年生活，并警示我们不要随意干涉或指责那些生活方式及世界观跟我们不一样的人。所有的社会都承认儿童和成年人是不同的，他们有自己独特的品性和需求；人类学家和社会科学家感兴趣的是每个社会对儿童的天性都有什么样的看法，以及这些看法又如何影响儿童的生活。

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Cultural Childhoods不同文化的童年

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