富兰克林.罗斯福总统:四大自由

The "Four Freedoms" Speech

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress:

I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. Since the permanent formation of our Government under the Constitution, in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. Fortunately, only one of these--the four-year War Between the States--ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, one hundred and thirty million Americans, in forty-eight States, have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained clear, definite opposition, to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.

While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain, nor any other nation, was aiming at domination of the whole world.

In like fashion from 1815 to 1914-- ninety-nine years-- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this Hemisphere; and the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. It is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

世界大战在一九一四年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。但是，随着时间的推移，美国人民开始体会到各民主国家的沦陷对我们美国的民主制度会意味着什么。

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

我们无须过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们也无须反复谈论各民主国家处理世界性破坏问题的失效。我们应该记住，一九一九年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的「和解」相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；而在那力图向世界各大洲扩展的暴政新秩序下，这种「和解」仍在延续着。美国人民坚定不移地反对那种暴政。

Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being' directly assailed in every part of the world--assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

每一个现实主义者都明白，民主生活方式此刻正在世界各地遭受直接攻击──或因武装侵略，或因一些人秘密散布恶毒宣传，竭力在仍处于和平状态的国家中破坏团结，制造分裂

During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

在十六个月的时间内，这种攻击已在数目惊人的大大小小独立国家里摧毁了民主生活的整个模式。这些攻击者还在进军，威胁着其它大大小小的国家。

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the Union," I find it, unhappily, necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

作为你们的总统，执行宪法加诸于我的「向国会报导联邦情况」的责任，我认为必须向你们报告，我们国家和我们民主政治的前途与安全，已经和远离我们国境的许多事件不可抗拒地牵连在一起了。

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the conquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations and their resources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-many times over.

以武力保卫民主生存的战争，现正在四大洲英勇地进行。倘若这场保卫战失败，所有在欧洲、亚洲、非洲和澳洲的人口和一切资源，均将为征服者所控制。这些人口和资源合计起来，远超过整个西半球的全部人口和资源的总数－－超过很多倍

In times like these it is immature--and incidentally, untrue--for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety."

任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁者的和平中获得国际上的宽容，或真正独立的恢复，或世界性裁军，或言论自由， 或宗教信仰自由，或者甚至公平的贸易。这样的和平决不会给我们或者我们的邻国带来任何安全。「那些宁愿放弃基本自由以求一时安全的人；既不该享有自由，也不该得到安全。」

As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.

We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.

We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

我最近曾指出，现代战争可以多么迅速地将武器攻击带到我们的身旁，如果独裁国家打赢这场战争，我们就必须预计到这种攻击的到来

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes- and great numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America.

As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they-not we--will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.

That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history.

That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and every member of the Congress faces great responsibility and great accountability.

The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively--to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

当务之急是，我们的行动和我们的政策都应首先针对(几乎是专门针对)如何对付这种来自国外的危险，因为我们所有的国内问题现在都已成为这一逼近眉睫的问题的一个部分。

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

正如在国内事务上，我们的国策是以尊重国门以内所有同胞的权利和尊严的基础，在外交事务上，我们的国策也以尊重所有大小国家的权利与尊严为依归。道德的公正原则最后将会并且也必然会获得胜利。

Our national policy is this:

我们的国家政策是：

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

第一，根据公众意志的感人表述而不去考虑党派之争，我们保证加强国防，寸土不让。

Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

第二，根据公众意志的感人表述而不去考虑党派之争，我们保证全力支持抵抗侵略从而使本半球免遭战祸的世界各地一切不屈不挠的民族。通过这种支持，我们表达民主事业必胜的决心，同时加强我国自身的防务和安全。

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

第三，根据公众意志的感人表述而不去考虑党派之争，我们保证贯彻这一主张，即道德原则和对我们自身安全的考虑决不允许我们默认由侵略者支配、由绥靖主义者倡议的和平。我们知道，持久和平是不能以他国人民的自由为代价买到的。

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. Today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.

因此，立即需要迅猛增加我们的军械生产。

Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some cases--and I am sorry to say very important cases--we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, and new ship ways must first be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

新情况不断为我们的安全带来新的需要。我将要求国会大量增加新的拨款并授权继续进行我们已开始的工作。

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.

我也要求本届国会授予足够的权力与经费，以便制造多种多样的额外军需品与战争装备，供给那些现已与侵略国实际作战的国家。

Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need man power, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense.

我们最有效和最直接的任务，是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需人力，他们所需的是价值以十亿美元计的防卫武器。

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

用不了多久，他们将无力用现款偿付这些防御武器。我们不能也不会只因为他们无力偿付我们知道他们必须拥有的武器，便告诉他们必须投降。

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.

我不会建议由我们贷款给他们，再由他们用该款支付购买武器的费用－－一种需用现金偿还的贷款。

I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. Nearly all their materiel would, if the time ever came, be useful for our own defense.

我建议由我们设法使那些国家继续从美国取得作战物资，并使他们的定单与我们自己的计划配合起来。一旦时刻到来，他们的几乎全部军用物资都会有利于我们自己的防卫。

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

根据富有经验的陆海军权威的建议，并且考虑到什么是最有利于我们自身安全，我们可以自由地决定应该在国内保留多少， 应该运给我们的外国朋友多少。他们坚定英勇抗敌，使我们赢得时间为我们自己的防卫作准备。

For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in other goods of many kinds, which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."

让我们对所有的民主国家说：“我们美国人对你们捍卫自由的斗争极为关切。我们正在付出我们的精力、资源和组织能力，以给予你们恢复和维护自由世界的力量。我们将向你们运送越来越多的舰艇、飞机、坦克和枪炮。这是我们的宗旨，也是我们的保证。”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

为了实现这个目标，我们不会因独裁者的威胁而退缩不前，这些人认为我们对那些胆敢抵抗他们侵略的民主国家进行支持，是违犯国际公法，是战争行为

When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression.

The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in danger.

未来几代美国人的幸福，可能要看我们如何有效而迅速地使我们的支持产生影响而定。没有人知道，我们要面对的紧急处境是属于怎样一种性质。在国家命脉临危的时候，国家的双手绝对不能受缚。

We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need.

我们全体都必须准备为那种和战争本身一样严重的非常时期的要求，作出牺牲。任何阻碍迅速而有效地进行防卫准备的事，都必须为国家的需要让路

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to use the sovereignty of Government to save Government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for.

正如人不能光靠面包生存，人也不能光靠武器战斗。守卫在我们的防御工事的人以及在他们身后建设我们的防务的人必须具有毅力和勇气，这种毅力和勇气来源于对自己正在捍卫的生活方式的坚定信念。我们现在所需要的强有力的行动不能建筑在对值得为之战斗的一切漠不关心的态度上。

The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

为了使我国人民意识到维护美国民主生活同他们的个人利害休戚相关，已做了很多工作，国家对此十分满意并从中汲取巨大的力量。这些工作使我们的人民性格更为坚强，信念得以恢复，更加忠于我们准备保卫的制度。

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.

当然，现在并不是我们任何人可以不再考虑作为社会革命根本原因的社会和经济问题的时候，而社会革命乃是今日世界的要素。因为一个健全而强大的民主国家的基础没有什么神秘之处。

For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

一个健全巩固的民主政治的基础并不神秘。我们的人民期待于他们的政治和经济体制的基本东西很简单，是：

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

青年人和其它人的机会均等。

Jobs for those who can work.

凡能工作者皆有工作。

Security for those who need it.

需要安全的人得到安全。

The ending of special privilege for the few.

结束少数人的特权。

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

保护所有人的公民自由权。

The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

享受科学进步的果实以更广泛地不断提高生活水平。

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

这些简单、基本的东西是在我们这个混乱和极端复杂的现代世界里须臾不可忽视的。我们经济和政治体制的内在和持久的力量取决于它们满足人们期望的程度。

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.

As examples:

有不少与我们社会经济有关的事项，需要立即改善。例如：

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

我们应当使更多的公民得到老年退休金和失业保险的保障。

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

我们应当扩大那种使人们得到充分医疗照顾的机会。

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

我们应当制订一套更好的制度，使那些应当并需要获得有薪职业的人们能够就业。

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

我曾经号召大家作个人的牺牲。我已得到保证，几乎每个美国人都心甘情愿响应我这个号召

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

在我们力求安宁的未来岁月中，我们盼望有一个建立在四项人类基本自由之上的世界。

The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.

第一是言论和发表意见的自由──在世界每一个地方。

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way--everywhere in the world.

第二是每个人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由──在世界每一个地方。

The third is freedom from want--which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world.

第三是不虞匮乏的自由──从全球的角度说，意味着保证使每个国家的居民过上健康的和平时期生活的经济共识──在世界每一个地方。

The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.

第四是免受恐惧的自由──从全球的角度说，意味着世界范围的裁军，它是如此全面彻底，以致任何国家都无法对他国发动武装侵略──在世界每一个地方。

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

这并不是对遥远将来的幻想。它是我们自己的时代、我们这一代人就能实现的一个世界的确切基础。这一世界恰恰是专制主义所谓“新秩序”的对立面，独裁者们企图用炸弹的威力来创造那种秩序。

To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

与那种“新秩序”针锋相对，我们提出一更大的概念──精神秩序。一个良好的社会能够面对世界职权的阴谋或外国革命而无所畏惧。

Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change -- in a perpetual peaceful revolution -- a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions--without the concentration camp or the quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

自美国有史以来，我们一直在从事变革，即不间断的和平革命，这场革命平静稳步地发展，不断适应变化中的情况而无须使用集中营或万人家。我们拜求的世界秩序是自由国家的合作，在一个友好文明的社会中一同工作。

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

这个国家把它的命运托付给千百万自由的男女公民的双手、头脑和心灵，把它的信念建立在上帝所引导的自由上。自由意味着任何地方人权至上。我们支持为争取和捍卫人权而斗争的人们。我们的力量在于我们目标一致。

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

这一崇高观念除胜利无其它结局。

在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。由于战争逼近，他宣布了四项「人类的基本自由」这项宣布，被认为是关于美国人民准备为之奋斗的原则的最简要声明。